A wealth of literature exists, linking parks with varying levels and types of physical activity. For example, Wendel-Vos et al. (2004) used GIS databases to objectively measure the amount of green and recreational space in neighbourhoods, and found that there was an association between greater amounts of parks and sports grounds in an area and increased levels of cycling. Similarly, a study by Zlot and Schmid (2005) found that there was a significant correlation between parkland acreage and walking and cycling for transportation. However, other research has shown that it is not only the size but the quality of parkland and public open space (e.g., Giles-Corti et al. 2005), as well as its physical and economic accessibility (e.g., Bengoechea et al. 2005), that influences people’s use of such areas. As Lee et al. (2005) note:
HISTORY
When parks were first designed in the nineteenth
century, city officials had a strong belief in the possible health advantages
that would result from open space. It was hoped that parks would reduce
disease, crime, and social unrest, as well as providing “green lungs” for the
city and areas for recreation. At this time, it was also believed that exposure
to nature fostered psychological well-being, reduced the stresses associated
with urban living, and promoted physical health. These assumptions were used as
justification for providing parks and other natural areas in cities, and
preserving wilderness areas outside of cities for public use. Although parks
have not entirely lost their connection with health, the modern emphasis is
almost exclusively on their use as a venue for leisure and sport. The importance
of physical activity for health is well known, yet physical inactivity contributes
significantly to the burden of disease and is on the rise in developed
countries.
A wealth of literature exists, linking parks with varying levels and types of physical activity. For example, Wendel-Vos et al. (2004) used GIS databases to objectively measure the amount of green and recreational space in neighbourhoods, and found that there was an association between greater amounts of parks and sports grounds in an area and increased levels of cycling. Similarly, a study by Zlot and Schmid (2005) found that there was a significant correlation between parkland acreage and walking and cycling for transportation. However, other research has shown that it is not only the size but the quality of parkland and public open space (e.g., Giles-Corti et al. 2005), as well as its physical and economic accessibility (e.g., Bengoechea et al. 2005), that influences people’s use of such areas. As Lee et al. (2005) note:
“Merely building a park
in a deprived area may be insufficient for insuring its intended use. . . .
It is critical to provide ongoing support for
maintenance and civic improvements.” Exploring the role of personal, social and
environmental attributes as mediating factors in socioeconomic variations in
women’s walking behaviors, Ball et al.(2006) found that while all three
elements play a part, access to environments conducive to walking is a key
factor which needs to be taken into account.Two aspects of parks and open spaces
which influence their use are perceptions of safety and aesthetic appeal
(Evenson et al. 2006).